Wednesday, December 23, 2015

什邡钼铜项目因抗议下马 政府赔偿企业6377万元

2012年,什邡7·2群体抗议事件让四川宏达股份有限公司(600331.SH)在什邡投资的钼铜项目最终下马,如今,什邡市政府要对宏达股份进行清偿。

今日,宏达股份公告,经德阳市中级人民法院诉讼调解,停止建设钼铜项目的经济损失,四川什邡经济开发区管理委员会确认向宏达钼铜共计支付补偿款6377万元,鉴定费5万元,合计6282万元。

 

宏达股份全资子公司四川宏达钼铜有限公司(简称宏达钼铜)在什邡市投资新建年产钼4万吨、铜40万顿钼铜多金属资源深加工综合利用项目(简称钼铜项目),于2012629日在什邡经济开发区举行开工奠基仪式。

不过,该项目开工不久,因担心环境污染,当地市民上街抗议,最后演变成群体性事件,市民冲进了什邡市委办公大楼,警方随后使用催泪弹和震爆弹驱散。当地政府最终宣布,"决定停止该项目建设,什邡今后不再建设这个项目。"

公告也称,201273日,宏达钼铜收到什邡市人民政府通知(什府函(201279号):因什邡部分群众对钼铜项目环境影响"不了解、不理解、不支持,反应强烈",要求钼铜项目停止建设。

 

钼铜项目自停止建设以来,宏达股份与什邡市政府进行了多次会议沟通和函件交流。2014625日,什邡市政府函宏达股份(什府函(201478号):"如果因为终止建设钼铜项目给你公司造成经济损失,市政府授权四川什邡经济开发区管理委员会,以事实为依据,以法律为准绳,在充分核实的基础上,于2015年底前清偿完毕。"

实际上,什邡市政府曾经努力拯救过该项目。从2013年开始,什邡市政府组织了1210个宣讲小分队进入每个村庄、街道进行宣讲,还邀请反对者前往河南洛阳和山东阳谷的冶炼企业参观,试图扭转市民们的认知。不过,最终该项目还是没有重启。

根据什府函(201478号精神,20151123日宏达股份与什邡市政府及相关部门就依法清偿停止建设钼铜项目的经济损失进行了协商,在查证账务、专项审核、司法鉴定的基础上,宏达钼铜提出了依法清偿停止建设钼铜项目的经济损失的相关诉求。不过,双方因清偿金额和方式未达成一致。

公告称,经德阳市中级人民法院诉讼调解,四川什邡经济开发区管理委员会确认向宏达钼铜共计支付补偿款6377万元,支付鉴定费5万元。补偿款分三期支付,第一期20151231日支付1918.1万元(含鉴定费5万元);第二期2016330日前支付1913.1万元;第三期20161231日前支付2550.8万元。

不过,公告还称,宏达钼铜20101118日至2015930日止(预计至20151231日),累计支出(含应付未付)金额为7448.51万元(未经审计),不含应退还的预付土地款及耕地占用税5950万元。

Friday, October 23, 2015

环保部:8月环境违法案共57件 罚款数额达4644万

中国经济新闻网 2015-10-23 16:01:56

 

  据中国之声《央广新闻》报道,环境保护部环境监察局局长邹首民介绍,8月,全国范围内实施按日连续处罚案件共57件,罚款数额达4644.43万元;实施查封、扣押案件共335件;实施限产、停产案件共177件;移送行政拘留共189起,移送涉嫌环境污染犯罪案件共166件。案件集中在企业私设暗管违法排污,操纵篡改自动监测数据,环保设施不正常运行等方面。

 

  邹首民介绍,与7月情况相比,适用按日连续处罚案件数量基本持平,适用查封扣押案件数上升31%,适用移送涉嫌环境污染犯罪的案件上升34%,适用移送拘留案件数上升29%,限产、停产案件数下降30%

 

  其中,辽宁实施按日连续处罚10件,罚款金额共计737.34万元;河南实施按日连续处罚7件,罚款金额共计1087.19万元;广东实施查封、扣押58件,限产停产21件。浙江实施查封、扣押51件,移送行政拘留38起,移送涉嫌环境污染犯罪案件81件。辽宁、江苏、浙江、安徽、福建、河南、广东、贵州等地执行情况较好,辖区内整体较平衡。(记者杜希萌)

甘肃:灌溉水带农药污染水源 12村民饮水中毒入院

20151021 17:44:21  来源: 每日甘肃网-兰州晨报

 

疑似饮水中毒 康乐12名村民入院

 

  当地政府紧急关闭污染水源,水样已送检,事件正在调查中

 

  1020日,记者从临夏康乐县人民政府网获悉,181950分许,康乐县苏集镇塔关村发生一起群众疑似饮水中毒事件,致多名群众住院观察治疗。事发后,当地政府紧急关闭污染水源,水污染原因正在进一步调查中。

 

  据悉,1018日疑似饮水中毒事件发生后,当地政府召开紧急会议,成立了由安监、卫计、水务、食药、农牧、公安等单位为成员的康乐县水污染突发事件处置领导小组,迅速开展各项工作。同时,组织苏集镇、村、社干部对该社群众逐户开展排查,对可能饮用被污染水的群众全部送往县医院、县中医院进行检查。关闭污染水源,告知群众停止饮用,并进行取样送检。

 

  经初步调查:康乐县信康肉牛养殖有限责任公司雇用周某、张某、赵某三人给其公司门前云杉苗木地(20)进行灌溉,在灌溉过程中,使用了甲拌磷和毒死蜱农药。由于采用了大水漫灌方式,带有农药的灌溉水渗入地下,污染了附近一口水井,导致使用该井水的塔关村田家坪社部分群众饮用后出现身体不适。目前,该中毒事故还在继续调查中,污染水样已送省疾控中心检测。

 

  截至1020日中午12,6名住院群众已出院2人,4人继续治疗,6名群众仍在继续观察治疗,各项生命体征平稳。(记者 赵野)

襄阳老河口市水管流出筷子长细虫 系污水倒流污染水源

 

襄阳要闻楚天快报 [微博] 肖劲越2015-10-22 07:30

 

陈先生家住老河口市循环经济产业园内。上周一晚,他打开自来水管接水。他看见:脸盆里的水很浑浊,盆底还有一条筷子长,头发丝细,暗红色的虫。这条虫子不停地扭动着身体,让人反胃。直至今日,这条虫还活着。

 

最近几日,陈先生都不敢再饮用自来水,只好去买矿泉水。昨日,他致电楚天快报,希望相关部门尽快解决。

 

记者了解到,该地由老河口市畅源城市水务公司供水二公司供水。这名工作人员说,前不久,产业园内一家企业排污时,污水倒流污染了自来水源头,影响了不少居民的饮用水安全。

 

这名工作人员说,相关部门已介入调查。要求涉事企业在排污处加装截止阀。他们还会加强监管,防止类似情况再次发生。

前三季度胶州湾水质一般 东北角污染最严重

1022日,胶州湾水污染防治研讨会举行,青岛市环境监测中心站发布了今年前三季度胶州湾水质状况及变化趋势分析,监测数据显示,前三季度胶州湾水质"一般",湾北部海域受污染程度较重,其中,湾内东北角水质最差。无机氮、活性磷酸盐、石油类是目前胶州湾水质的三大主要污染物,与去年同期相比,浓度皆有升高。

 

    胶州湾水质功能达标率下降

 

    根据《近岸海域环境监测规范》,水质状况分为优、良好、一般、差、极差5个级别,2015年前三季度,胶州湾整体水质状况的评定等级为"一般",与去年同期持平。

 

    在研讨会上,市环境监测站列出了2010年以来胶州湾水质的历年状况,记者对比发现,2010年~2013年,连续4年胶州湾水质状况均为"差";2014年~2015年,胶州湾整体水质状况连续2年为"一般",整体来说,胶州湾水质还是呈现好转趋势的。

 

    目前,青岛市环保局在胶州湾内布设的监测点位共计39个,布设密度达到每10平方公里1个监测点位,监测频次为每年四次,分别在35810月份进行。根据监测结果,2015年前三季度,胶州湾39个点位水质功能区达标率为69.2%,同比下降5.2个百分点;2015年前三季度,胶州湾14个国控点位水质功能区达标率为64.3%,同比持平。

 

    南部海域较好,东北角受污严重

 

    胶州湾内海域面积共计360平方公里,湾内不同位置的水质污染状况也不尽相同。监测结果显示,2015年前三季度,胶州湾内一类水质海域面积占胶州湾总面积的41.8%,二类水质海域占湾内总面积的24.3%,一、二类水域面积占比达到66.1%,比去年同期上升1.9个百分点。从分布位置来看,一、二类水域主要分布在李村河河口和大沽河河口连线以南的海域。

 

    三类海域面积占比12.8%,主要分布在大沽河入海口和李村河入海口附近的海域。四类海域面积占比12.8%,劣四类海域面积占百分比为8.3%,主要分布在胶州湾东北角和西北角,监测分布图显示,湾内东北角海域的劣四类水域面积最大。

 

    据青岛市环境监测中心站副站长崔文连分析,今年前三季度,胶州湾内一类水质面积比例同比升高3.4个百分点;二类、三类同比分别降低1.55.7个百分点,四类和劣四类同比分别升高2.90.9个百分点。

 

    三大污染物浓度均有升高

 

    在受污染水体中,检出的主要污染物共计3类,分别是无机氮、活性磷酸盐和石油类。其中,前三季度胶州湾石油类平均浓度为0.018mg/L,较去年同期升高38.5个百分点。市环境监测站副站长崔文连对每一种污染物的来源分布做了进一步分析,她表示,石油类浓度升高,主要是由于第一季度黄岛附近海域6个点位浓度超过二类海水水质标准(0.050mg/L)。

 

    今年前三个季度,胶州湾活性磷酸盐平均浓度为0.014mg/L,较去年同期升高0.004mg/L,达到一类海水水质标准。但崔文连指出,墨水河入海口附近海域、胶州湾西北角的活性磷酸盐浓度偏高,有3个点位活性磷酸盐浓度超过二类海水水质标准。

 

    前三季度胶州湾无机氮平均浓度为0.279mg/L,较去年同期升高0.002mg/L,达到二类海水水质标准。在胶州湾东北部的墨水河和楼山河入海口附近海域,水质受污最严重,水质呈现劣四类,其主要主要污染物就是无机氮。

可口可乐深陷“环保造假”伪造污水监测数据

可口可乐瓶装厂伪造污水监测数据,逃避环保监管的消息已发酵几日。昨日,可口可乐公司表示,已开展内部自查,虽然可口可乐公司还未公布事发的具体原因,但是该事件已暴露出可口可乐公司在生产环节中存在污水监测甚至是环保管理上的漏洞。

 

    911日,甘肃省兰州市环境监察局会同兰州市公安局环保分局执法人员,对甘肃中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司进行现场检查时发现,该公司通过改变污水在线监测设备采样方式伪造监测数据,逃避环保监管。该行为违反了《中华人民共和国水污染防治法》第二十二条、二十三条之规定。兰州市环境监察局依据《中华人民共和国水污染防治法》第七十二条的规定,对该公司下达了《责令改正违法行为决定书》。甘肃中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司违法事实清楚、证据确凿,兰州市环境保护局依据相关法律规定,将该案件移送到兰州市公安局进行处理。1015日,兰州市公安局依法对中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司的主管人员处以行政拘留5天的处罚。

 

    工商信息显示,甘肃中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司由中粮可口可乐饮料(中国)投资有限公司投资设立,主营业务为生产销售包括液体饮料、固体饮料、茶饮料、果蔬饮料、矿泉水、纯净水、咖啡等饮料在内的可口可乐系列饮料。而中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司正是中国最大的可口可乐瓶装业务投资公司。此次,可口可乐的瓶装厂出现伪造环保监测数据,在业内人士看来可口可乐有着推脱不掉的监管责任。

 

    对于此次事件,昨日甘肃中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司回应表示,该公司目前已开展内部自查,并积极配合政府相关部门的调查。不过,该公司未公布改变污水在线监测设备采样方式,伪造检测数据究竟事出何因。业内人士称,不排除污水排放不合标准的可能。对此,也将持续关注。

 

    据行业人士的介绍,饮料生产对于水资源的需求比较大,每生产1升饮料差不多耗费2升水,饮料企业不仅耗水量大,也在"水污染企业"的范畴内。所谓,水污染企业指的是向环境排放水污染的企业,公开资料显示,早在2009年,可口可乐北京公司就被列入了北京市发改委、北京市环保局共同发布的"重点水污染企业名单",当时相关部门表示,可口可乐的污染物排放是达标的。

 

    "节水、零排放"也是一直以来可口可乐工厂所标榜的符号。郑州太古可口可乐饮料有限公司是可口可乐"零排放"的试点,2011年该项目已实现了污水零排放,可口可乐当时称,这也标志着可口可乐在行业中率先建立零排放试点的成功。

 

    然而,这一次可口可乐却在甘肃工厂的"伪造监测数据"上跌了跟头。某饮料企业相关人士向北京商报记者表示,除了食品安全之外,环境保护也是食品企业另一个重要的形象标识,虽然目前还不能明确甘肃中粮可口可乐饮料有限公司是否涉嫌水污染,但是"动手脚"也暴露了可口可乐环保监测管理上的漏洞。

四川省9月五大水系轻度污染 老鹰水库引水遇垃圾重度污染

2015101406:00 四川在线-四川日报

 

本报讯(记者 刘宇男)1012日,省环境监测总站发布《四川省20159月地表水水质状况》及《四川省20159月集中式生活饮用水水源地水质状况》,9月我省五大水系轻度污染,资阳老鹰水库补充引水过程中遇河道垃圾致重度污染。

 

  从地表水水质状况看,9月全省168个监测断面/点位水质监测显示,五大水系受到轻度污染。9个湖库中8个水质优良,但资阳老鹰水库为重度污染,主要污染指标为化学需氧量、总磷。

 

  从集中式生活饮用水源水质看,921个市(州)政府所在地的39个在用饮用水水源地断面(点位)取水总量13034.97万吨,达标水量12748.20万吨,水质达标率97.8%,同比下降2个百分点、环比下降1.9个百分点。其中,德阳地下饮用水水源地西郊水厂,因地质背景原因锰超标。9月河流饮用水水源地粪大肠菌群超标出现在成都洞子口,攀枝花市水文站、徐家渡、金江,泸州市长江石堡湾、长江五渡溪,宜宾宋公桥和石门子;湖库饮用水水源地总氮超标出现在自贡市长湖水库。

中国江西余江县一水库旁建养鸭场污染水质

依青山而居,傍绿水而生,这一直是余江县春涛镇硝坊水库附近几个村村民引以为豪的生活环境。但近几年来,村民们发现水库周边建起了养鸭场,数万只鸭子游荡在水库中啄食、排粪,污染了水质,散发出阵阵腥臭味,令周边村民叫苦不迭。今年五六月份,当地相关部门曾要求养鸭场限期整改,然而水库养鸭现象照旧。这到底是怎么回事呢?水库养鸭场缘何未彻底取缔?1010日,记者来到余江县调查采访。

 

    水库不是饮用水源强行取缔依据不足

 

    走近硝坊水库,离堤坝近100米处就能闻到一股腥臭味。在千余亩水域中,中间养殖了一大片珍珠,而水库三个角落岸边均建有鸭棚,数万只鸭子或在岸边,或在水中啄食、嬉戏。

 

    春涛镇镇长段会柱向记者介绍,硝坊水库系国家小1型水库,十多年前本着充分开发利用水库资源的发展思路,当地政府将该水库承包给2名当地人养鱼,但三年前承包人又瞒着镇政府及村委会,私下转租给南昌县3名合伙人养鸭。直到今年3月,包括他本人在内的镇干部到硝坊村检查工作时才发现水库中大规模养了鸭子。镇里就此向县环保局等部门报告,但因该水库不是饮用水源,且无明确规定水库中不能养鸭,强行取缔依据不足。

 

    谈到承包水库养鸭一事,养殖户邬贵武一脸困惑和无助。他拿出一份承租合同向记者介绍,他和另两位承包人均为南昌县向塘镇农民,各自都有养鸭技能。20132月,他们三人与硝坊水库原承包人桂某等人签下承租该水库合同。但签订合同前,他们没有向镇政府或相关职能部门征询意见,也不知道利用水库大规模养鸭会破坏环境,仅凭原承包人单方面怂恿就草率地签订了承租费近百万元的合同。

 

    记者注意到,该合同约定承租期限为2013年初至2022年底,10年承包费为90万元,并要求他们在2013年分两次付清90万元承包费。而该合同约定款项中,并未提及该水库是否禁养鸭子或其他可能涉及污染环境及法律所禁止的经营利用活动。邬贵武说,目前,他们已共投入了300余万元。

 

    逐渐减少养殖规模给出过渡期助转型

 

    据段会柱介绍,为净化水库周边居民生活环境,又不影响养殖户利益,4月,镇政府出面与养殖户交涉,要求其减少养殖规模,勿大面积占用水库,并引导养殖户在水中养珍珠,此举不仅能起到净化水质作用,还能弥补养殖户损失。目前该养鸭场的规模已由6万只减至近3万只。

 

    邬贵武说,今年,水库周边村民已多次到他鸭场闹过,个别村民还捣毁他的养鸭设施。再加上当地政府职能部门数次检查,他们才渐渐明白水库养鸭之路已走不通了,也做好了另谋生路的想法。最令他们担心的是,水库签了10年承包期,仅使用了3年,后7年的承包费能退吗?他们为此找过原承包人商谈,但遭到拒绝。当前,他们积极配合春涛镇政府拆除了部分鸭棚,减少了一半的养殖规模。但他们请求,目前所养殖的近3万只鸭子需明年3月才能全部出售,希望当地政府能让他们有个过渡期。

 

    春涛镇党委书记黄海有表示,考虑到邬贵武等3位农民在外乡创业艰难及其合法利益,在其养殖规模只减不增的前提下,镇里接受他的请求。但明年3月以后,该水库须清除人工养殖业,以维护青山绿水优美环境。镇政府将引导他们转型发展水库周边山林养鸡项目,并合理有效利用水库资源从事农家乐休闲经营活动。

常庄水库一级水源地遭污染续:养殖场水管直通水库

2015-10-12 06:35:29 来源: 东方今报 

 

109日,东方今报刊发了《养鸡场、废品站、拆迁工地 轮番"欺负"郑州大水缸》的报道。当时,记者在常庄水库看到,一些村民不自觉,偷偷倾倒垃圾,导致咱一级水源地被祸害,而随着记者的深入调查,破坏咱们一级水源地的还不仅仅是这些垃圾,还有人在水库搞起了养殖,带着一帮"牲畜"欺负咱的大水缸。

 

□东方今报记者 袁雅/ 张晓冬/

 

【现场】

 

彩板房"骑"上防护网

 

1011日上午,记者发现一些废品站、养猪场以及私家小作坊分布在常庄水库周边的水源保护区内,而成堆的生活垃圾依然存在,猛一看,你咋也不会相信这就是咱郑州人的大水缸。

 

根据市民提供的线索,记者先来到在水库沿岸的道李村,沿着村西边一条水泥小道向南行走不到一公里,就到了天伦家园。

 

在天伦家园的西南角,有一个大门,进入大门后便穿越了水库边上的防护网,进入到了水库湿地上。

 

在水库湿地上,记者惊讶地发现,五六间紧挨防护网修建的彩板房拔地而起,有两间彩板房直接突破防护网后,建成了一个观景台。与此同时,在紧挨湿地的边上,有人正在搭建新的彩板房。

 

【追踪】

 

养殖户水管直通水库

 

在彩板房之间的间隙上,防护网被人为地变成了可以开启的小门,小门的旁边是拿防护网做后墙建的一溜家禽宿舍。夸张的是,有一根直径二十多厘米的水管从彩板房里伸出后直接通到了水库的水里。仿佛自家的生态庄园一般,鸡、鸭、羊各自成群地在湿地或水面上自由活动。湿地上,到处是鸡鸭羊粪和鸭毛,偶尔还闻到阵风送来的异味。

 

记者几经打探,才了解到,湿地和水里的鸡、鸭、羊群都是"有主"的,主人就是修建这几间彩板房的人。该主人承包了紧挨水库湿地边上的荒地后,刚开始是用来搞果木种植的,最近几年看着地方比较隐蔽,就在防护网上撕开了口子,在水库边上搞起了养殖。

 

【直击】

 

岸边小作坊"不安分"

 

同时,记者探访了之前报道的水库垃圾,想看下是否有改观。

 

记者发现,道李村那家废品站门前紧挨水面的废品,已经挪到了距离水库水面约十米外的位置。

 

水库岸边缓坡上倾倒的大量生活垃圾已被人用黄土遮盖起来,但是仍能看出黄土下面裸露出的片片生活垃圾。

 

该处岸边,仍有大量的生活垃圾,里边还有一些剥去铜芯的电线胶皮,有些已经滑进了水里。

 

"站在岸边高处能看到的垃圾已被他们用黄土盖上了,这些站在岸上看不到的,所以就没人管了!刚刚从上面还撂下来一些垃圾,有的都滚进水里了……"一位在水边垂钓的男子说。

 

据该男子介绍,附近还有一个生产石膏板的作坊,做石膏板用的废料都直接堆放在水库的陡崖上,下面就是水面。

 

根据男子指引,记者在附近发现了这个石膏板作坊,作坊紧挨水岸,一大堆白色石膏粉就堆放在离水岸不远的地方。

 

废料附近,紧挨水面不到五米处是一座为作坊人员修建的旱厕,旱厕后面的化粪池距离水面更近,大约有三米的距离,虽然上面盖着一块木板,但仍能闻到阵阵恶臭。

 

距其不远,记者又发现一家养鸡场和一家养猪场,在两家养殖场之间有一条正流淌着臭水的土渠,里边的大量脏水正源源不断地向北边的荒草深处流去。这样一条用土垒的脏水沟渠,就建在水库岸边的斜坡上,一旦溢出或遭遇雨水,去向可想而知。

 

【管理处】

 

约上记者一起去核实

 

根据《郑州市城市供水管理条例》和水资源相关保护条例的相关规定,在一级水源保护区内,禁止堆放工业废渣、城市垃圾和其他废弃物。在水源地周边1000米保护范围内,严禁倾倒和堆放有毒有害化学物品以及对水源能造成严重污染的污染物。在200米范围内,不得新建、改建、扩建与城市供水设施和保护水源无关的项目。

 

但是无论是石膏板小作坊,还是湿地的养殖场,明显已经触犯了相关规定。记者致电常庄水库管理处杨副主任时,她了解了一些具体情况,邀请记者和他们一起核实具体地点,落实情况后具体处理。

 

(本文来源:东方今报 )

莆田去年27个饮用水源地水质较差 主要因农业畜禽养殖污染等

来源:闽南网 2015-09-23 14:35 http://www.mnw.cn/ 海峡都市报电子版

 

 记者昨日获悉,根据莆田市去年环境质量报告,全市现有27个集中式地表水饮用水水源地,水质达标情况不容乐观,主要超标污染物为总磷、总氮,主要原因是农业污染、畜禽养殖污染等。根据今年的饮用水源保护和供水保障工作方案,政府将筹集饮用水源生态补偿资金6600万元,用于污染整治项目,建设市第三自来水厂、妈祖城水厂,禁止在饮用水源保护区内继续开山种果,扩大果园面积,禁止新批矿山开采项目等。

 

  据介绍,在农业污染源方面,库区一级、二级保护区范围内的农田、果树、桉树等追肥、施药造成的陆域面源污染物随雨水径流进入水库,水库周边部分畜禽养殖场(户)"反弹复建",以及库区长期以来累积的氮磷污染物,直接导致水体水质富营养化。

 

  另外,饮用水源地保护区范围内部分乡镇生活污水、垃圾等收集、清运未及时到位,污水管网和相关处理设施建设较为滞后。同时,饮用水应急保障能力较差,各自来水厂供水管网联网改造仍未到位。

 

  根据整治计划,年底将完成对27个乡镇级以上饮用水源地防撞设施建设,提高风险防范能力。禁止在饮用水源保护区内继续开山种果,不得继续营造桉树等速丰林,同时对现有果园及桉树等速丰林要逐步改造,种植其他阔叶树混交林,改善林种结构。(海都记者 林养东)

Wednesday, October 14, 2015

安徽凤阳水泥厂严重污染环境导致众多村民患上尘肺病(图)

(维权网信息员柳怡报道)近日,安徽滁州凤阳县武店镇村民王从水等几位村民投诉称:他们那里因砂石厂和水泥厂污染严重,许多人得了尘肺病。为此,村民们不断到各级主管部门上访、投诉控告,但问题至今没有得到解决。

 

据了解,凤阳的环境严重污染是当地一家名为"凤阳珍珠水泥有限公司",即"凤阳珍珠水泥厂"的私企造成的。

 

凤阳县珍珠水泥厂是安徽最大的民营水泥厂,注册资金3.5亿,总资产4.6亿,年产水泥300万吨,是凤阳县第一纳税大户,老板高允连是第十届全国人大代表,这些都是互联网上可以查到的公开信息。

 

"水泥大王高允连"这个称号,在当地是家喻户晓。因为自"凤阳县珍珠水泥厂"生产以来,凤阳的百姓就成天生活在"沙尘暴"里。为此,村民不断到政府有关部门投诉、控告毫无结果。凤阳县国土资源局出具的一份信访事项告知书称:"凤阳珍珠水泥集团股份有限公司依法享有采矿权!",让绝望中几度下跪的百姓只能永远地做了"肉体吸尘器"!

 

近年来,凤阳的适龄青年参加征兵体检,结果多是矽肺病。当地村民说仅凤阳武店镇每年就有10多人因环境严重污染致病而死。

 

新浪网友王琳琳(微博:@你在红尘我在天上2013)等到现场实地调查的网友透露和描述:走进凤阳,走进武店,我在漫天的飞沙中窒息哀思愤慨,在川流不息的运输车后,我们深陷在泥石流里,沙尘里,灰暗里,雾霾里,仿佛行走在沙漠里。

 

一刹那,我们的车落上厚厚的水泥沙,我们消失在尘土飞扬的黑夜里。是什么把天空变得肮脏,是什么把碧水变成腥臭的污泥坑,是什么让这里的人民死亡?

 

我们走访了武店村数名村民,原来这里的山林地富含水泥矿石和石灰石资源,许多黑企业地方恶势力相互勾结私自购买制造大量炸药放炮,非法大规模偷采盗采矿山,并藏有大量雷管,炸药,起爆器,导爆管等,百姓的生命随时都有危险!

 

武店村63岁的老书记邢德和告诉我们,他6年前辞了书记后承包了刘府镇光明村的一座荒山用于植树造林、生产、养殖等。

 

2013年底,凤阳珍珠水泥厂未经邢德和同意在他的山上进行非法开采石灰石,非法买卖,非法使用爆炸物,并大量砍伐树木和破坏山体植被,严重危及当地百姓的生命和财产安全。村民们多次向省市县各级政府反应,无人理睬。目前,邢德和承包的山林已被炸的面目全非,整个武店镇刘府镇都笼罩在沙尘带来的死亡阴霾里。

 

另据了解,王琳琳因通过微博曝光和向当地有关部门投诉举报了"凤阳珍珠水泥厂"严重污染环境的问题,遭到了威胁和恐吓,但她表示绝不退缩,一定要为凤阳百姓讨个说法,她希望媒体和有关部门关注她反映的问题,尽快解决凤阳的环境污染问题。

 

图片1-5:拍摄地,凤阳县武店镇,(图片来源于王琳琳微博:@你在红尘我在天上2013

Tuesday, October 13, 2015

天津又爆炸?官方:一家无证仓库起火伴有爆炸,暂无伤亡报告

澎湃新闻记者 梁月静

2015-10-13 00:55

1012日深夜,多名网友反映,当晚,天津市北辰区西提头镇耀华油漆厂发生爆炸,一声巨响后,现场火光冲天浓烟滚滚。天津市公安局微博消息称,爆燃于1013日凌晨233分被扑灭,现场无人员伤亡。

北辰区西提头镇政府值班人员于13日凌晨020分左右告诉澎湃新闻(www.thepaper.cn),现场是库房着火,起火原因尚不明确,但并非爆炸,目前已有消防官兵进驻现场,政府领导也已赶赴现场,暂未收到人员伤亡信息。

@人民日报 微博 随后(052分)发布消息称,据天津市北辰区委有关部门介绍,1012日晚1030分左右,天津市北辰区西堤头镇一家无证照储存氨水和酒精的仓库发生大火并伴有爆炸,截至目前尚无人员伤亡报告。

@平安天津 微博 13103分发布消息称,10122146分,天津公安消防总队接报警,位于北辰区西堤头镇西堤头村的一仓库发生爆燃。接报后,公安消防、属地北辰分局警力迅速赶到现场处置。目前,扑救工作仍在进行,现场无人员伤亡。

当日0253分,@平安天津 续报,经公安消防、交通及属地北辰分局协同作战、全力扑救,发生在北辰区西堤头镇西堤头村一仓库的爆燃于1013日凌晨233分被扑灭,现场无人员伤亡。事故原因正在进一步调查。

另据央视援引天津消防消息,1012日晚天津市北辰区西堤头镇一个约500平米的一个仓库起火。起火原因为酒精原料外溢起火,后蔓延到整个仓库。

走出垃圾焚烧的泥潭

在我国面临着实实在在的现实危机,除常规污染物排放不达标及灰渣违法处置这些常见问题外,其二噁英和汞污染风险已经不容忽视。从借鉴发达国家经验教训及可持续发展的角度看,垃圾焚烧不能成为应对垃圾问题的优先对策,而我国目前整体及局部地区的环境容量也不允许焚烧规模的继续扩张。在介绍这些基本形势的同时,本文提议政府部门、民间组织、普通公众合力加强对垃圾焚烧的监督,有目标、有计划地逐步摆脱对垃圾焚烧的依赖。

近几年来,许多地方的公众都质疑或反对垃圾焚烧厂项目的规划和建设,也有很多已经建起运营的焚烧厂遭遇周边居民的持续投诉或抗议。为何政府官员和技术专家口中的"现代化垃圾处理技术"如此不受公众待见?撇开那些"安全无忧"的空洞说理,焚烧厂已经出现的种种污染问题,以及有悖于可持续发展的特性急需社会各界的正视。 一、不可忽视的现实危机 如许多人所知,垃圾焚烧排放出来的污染物非常多,但目前由《生活垃圾焚烧污染控制标准》直接管控的仅有10种,既包含常规污染物,如:烟尘、一氧化碳、二氧化硫、氮氧化物、氯化氢等,也包含一些特征污染物,如持久性有机污染物二噁英和重金属汞。

对反对焚烧的公众而言,二噁英无疑是最让他们敏感的,而许多科研信息或政府公开数据也证实这些担忧不无道理。

首先看看我国垃圾焚烧行业二噁英的总体污染形势。2009年,中国城市建设研究院学者发表论文称,2007年中国全国生活垃圾焚烧厂(6070)的估算二噁英大气排放量为157.93 g TEQ(毒性当量),相比2004年的估算量125.8 g TEQ,已有显著增长。与此相比较,德国1994年生活垃圾焚烧的二噁英大气排放量仅为30 g TEQ,进入21世纪后(60多座),年排放量估计降至0.5 g TEQ以下。

有专家认为,随着技术水平的不断提高,我国垃圾焚烧行业的二噁英排放会逐步降低,但这样的观点没有考虑该行业垃圾处理总体规模的急剧增大,可能会抵消技术水平提高带来的减排效果,甚至使问题更趋恶化。

对于普通公众而言,要准确预测焚烧厂的二噁英污染风险,目前几乎是不可能的,因为无论是焚烧厂自身还是监管它们的政府部门都极少主动公开相关信息;即便遇到公众申请,也是千百般地回避或拒绝。2012年,环保组织芜湖生态中心曾先后向全国31个省/直辖市、76个市/区级环保局,针对全国122 座在运行垃圾焚烧厂的污染控制情况进行信息公开申请,结果只获得42座厂的排放监测数据,而且其中仅有10座厂的二噁英排放数据,占总体的8%

如此之多的公共信息缺失,也并不完全因为相关部门的不情愿。在2012年底一起环境信息公开行政诉讼案的审理过程中,被告广州市环保局承认:它们之所以不公开广州李坑焚烧厂的一部分二噁英排放信息,是因为2009年以前根本就没有监测。

虽然可获得的信息有限、数据有限,一些科研文献还是让公众可以窥见我国垃圾焚烧厂二噁英污染问题的冰山一角。2009年,几位中国科学院学者发表了他们对中国19座生活垃圾焚烧厂二噁英大气排放水平的研究,结果表明,有13座达不到欧盟0.1 ng TEQ/m3的标准,有3座甚至超出我国旧的1 ng TEQ/m3的国家标准。而对于一直处在风口浪尖的广州李坑焚烧厂,广州城管委曾夸下海口称其二恶英排放能达到欧盟标准,但实际被迫公开的数据却显示不能达到。

焚烧厂导致周边环境二噁英污染,也是有据可循的。2008年,上海市检测中心研究者发表论文,报告上海嘉定某焚烧厂周边土壤中二噁英含量明显高于背景土壤的水平,于是得出结论:焚烧炉是上海地区土壤中二噁英污染的一个来源。201312月,温州市环保局罕见地公开了该局对当地一座垃圾焚烧厂的二噁英排放和污染情况进行监督性监测的信息,结果表明,虽然烟气排放数据达到国家标准,但焚烧厂周围有一处地点大气二噁英水平达3.98 pg TEQ/m3,已严重超过我国环境影响评价政策对垃圾焚烧厂二噁英污染影响预测的限值规定(等同于日本目前的大气二噁英浓度限值)

就在不少政府官员和技术专家忙于给垃圾焚烧厂二噁英污染去"妖魔化"的时候,这个行业的汞污染防治压力也在悄然增加。

总体而言,垃圾焚烧行业已被证明是人为汞排放的主要污染源。根据华南理工大学学者2011年发表的一篇论文,生活垃圾焚烧的汞排放量占珠江三角洲人为总排放量的21%,仅次于燃煤排放(28%)。另一项由Dan Hu等人在2012年发表的论文显示,自20042010年,我国城市固体废弃物燃烧的汞排放量从每年0.9吨增长到了6.1吨,平均增长率达37.3%

如果将失控的汞排放总量分解到具体的垃圾焚烧项目上,情况同样也是严重的。如许多人所知,今年环保部和国家质检总局联合发布了修订后的《生活垃圾焚烧污染控制标准》。值得注意的是,标准的二次征求意见稿曾一度将汞排放限值由一次征求意见稿中向欧盟看齐的0.05mg/m3放松至0.1mg/m3(旧国标限值为0.2mg/m3)。最终,在各方压力之下,才又恢复至一次征求意见稿、即欧盟标准的水平。

根据环保部发布的上述标准二次征求意见稿的"编制说明",编制单位调查了国内20座生活垃圾焚烧厂的烟气汞排放水平,如果参照现行标准,仅14座能够达标,如果参照二次意见稿标准,则有18座可以过关。由此可见,环保部之所以在汞排放限值的制定上反反复复,实则是我国垃圾焚烧厂汞污染防治的客观严峻形势所致。

与二噁英问题一样,垃圾焚烧厂已经给周边带来了实实在在的汞污染。2005年,汤庆和等发表学术论文,报告上海浦东生活垃圾焚烧厂周边环境的土壤汞污染水平呈增加趋势,下风口土壤及大气汞污染水平都较其他方位明显高。2009年,赵宏伟等发表学术论文,认为深圳市清水河垃圾焚烧厂周围的优势植物均受到一定程度的汞污染,而且与焚烧厂的污染物排放有直接关系。2013年,华南理工大学学者发表论文,显示广州李坑焚烧厂周边土壤、水体及植物都受到轻度至中度的甲基汞污染,且变化趋势与焚烧厂运营时间有一定的联系。

以上讨论的仅是我国垃圾焚烧厂排放出来的两种最有害物质的污染情况,其他一些常规大气污染物的控制及灰渣的污染防治也存在不同程度的问题。例如,本不应该出现在焚烧厂厂界内外的高浓度恶臭气体,却成了各地居民反复投诉的公害。一些公开的污染监测数据——尽管非常有限——显示某些焚烧厂二氧化硫、一氧化碳等常规污染物超标情况严重。此外,近期媒体和公众陆续揭露了不少焚烧厂飞灰非法处置的问题,一位垃圾焚烧行业内专家也坦陈,全国范围内这种危险废弃物得到妥善处置的比例可能只有一半。更让人担忧的是,对于那些弥漫着恶臭、经常超标排放、违法倾倒废物的焚烧厂,各地的政府监管部门却鲜有采取措施果断关停、整改、处罚的,公众对于这样的一种污染行业及其监管部门投以极不信任的态度是很自然的。 二、垃圾焚烧没有继续发展的空间 垃圾焚烧这个行业要继续扩充、发展,得具备两个条件。一是源源不断可供其处理的垃圾,二是环境容量足够消纳其产生的污染物。现实中,这两点都可能对垃圾焚烧发展构成障碍。

时间若倒退大概30年,在填埋处于垃圾处理技术统治地位的时代,我国环卫工程界就已经开始向往有朝一日能够赶上西方发达国家的先进步伐,用焚烧"消灭"垃圾。当时之所以迟缓,不过是因为我国的垃圾组分及经济实力还不能支撑焚烧的发展。

现如今,由于我国经济实力的增强,无论是政府还是民间,都有能力投资兴建焚烧厂,钱的事情已不在话下。虽然还有许多人担心垃圾水分太高、热值不够,但原则上通过必要的预处理,还是可以烧起来的。

虽然"烧得起"、也能"烧起来",但焚烧厂要是没有足够的垃圾供给,显然就没有建设的必要。目前,我国各种环境保护和城市建设管理法规都明确要求、倡导或鼓励生活垃圾要分类投放、分类运输和最终分类处理,一些中央或地方的法规政策还在积极尝试从源头抑制垃圾的产生(如食物垃圾浪费、过度包装)。如果这种管理思路落实得有效,将有至少一半的垃圾,包括厨余有机物、可回收物、园林废弃物、建筑垃圾不会进入焚烧厂或填埋场,混合垃圾处理设施的建设冲动就会大大降低。

当然,现实中很多人认为关于垃圾减量和分类的法规政策根本不会对焚烧构成限制,因为这些纸上条文实际都是虚设的,充其量也不过是一种理想宣示而已;真正体现政府意志的是那些给垃圾焚烧设置的一系列规划目标、政策优惠、电价补贴等实实在在的利好条件。

冷静地分析,当正反政策同时存在的时候,那种最大程度适应目前社会状态,不会给政府、产业、公众带来太多"麻烦"的办法是更具优势的,那种会给大家带来改革阵痛的想法是令人讨厌的。也就是说,当全社会的垃圾仍在源源不断大量产生、混合投放的情况下,为消纳混合垃圾而设计建设的焚烧厂是最容易被各方接受的,尤其是负责垃圾管理的政府部门;大多数公众在没有受到直接威胁或信息不充分的情况下,也会舒坦地保持既有的生活惯性,而无需做出改变。

令人感慨的是,无论是30年前还是现在,我们在垃圾管理上一直引以为师的西方发达国家却在对待焚烧的态度上发生了根本性的变化。这种变化首先发生在欧盟国家身上,并体现在其近几年一系列的法规政策和高级政府官员的话语中。

2008年,欧盟委员会正式发布了垃圾管理的"框架指令",明确了垃圾管理对策应遵循优先次序原则,即预防垃圾的产生、重复使用、循环利用(包含厨余垃圾的生化处理)优先于垃圾焚烧和填埋。这意味着无论从污染控制、能源节约,还是资源利用的角度,焚烧与填埋都是较差的选项。虽然至今为止,欧洲的垃圾焚烧厂还很多,焚烧减量的任务还很重,但优先次序原则的确定为欧洲未来通往"零废弃"的道路奠定了法律基础。

2012年,欧盟委员会又发布了"欧洲资源效率路线图",提出要在2020年以前停止将可回收和可堆肥废弃物送入焚烧厂,并建议垃圾管理的资金支持也应遵循优先次序原则,即在循环利用一端加大投入而不是末端处理。

丹麦和法国是欧洲垃圾焚烧比率最高的两个国家,都达到了50%左右。但近期两国的政府内阁成员都先后发表了她们积极推动减少焚烧的政策立场。2013年,丹麦时任环境部长提出丹麦要循环利用更多,焚烧更少。2014年,法国环境部长也表示焚烧是过时技术,在废弃物收集和能源转化方面,许多技术都比垃圾焚烧环保且合理得多,所以必须通过强制手段来停止焚烧垃圾。

如今,许多人都知道污染物的环境容量是有限的,所以大量焚烧垃圾的社会终究是不可持续的。至于焚烧的限度究竟该划到哪,不仅是欧洲人已经在思考的问题,也应引起国人的重视。

之前本文已经讨论过我国垃圾焚烧厂二噁英和汞污染的情况,如果进一步从环境容量的角度考虑,情况更令人堪忧。

参照我国目前的环评技术标准,大气中二噁英浓度的上限是0.6pg TEQ/m3,由此可以认为任何在此背景下的额外排放都是不可接受的。而现实是,在北京、上海、广州、杭州等大城市,大气环境中的二噁英已经逼近、甚至超出了这个上限。虽然已经存在的二噁英污染并不都是垃圾焚烧所致,但在环境容量已趋饱和或已经饱和的状态下,任何新增污染源都会增加人们的健康风险。

同样出于环境容量及污染物环境持久性特征的考虑,现有的国际公约和国家法规都明确要求限制垃圾焚烧特征污染物二噁英和汞的排放。《斯德哥尔摩公约》要求,垃圾焚烧作为重点行业,其二噁英排放应该逐步减少并最大限度的消除;为此,垃圾管理应该优先采取不形成和不排放二噁英的技术措施。《重金属污染综合防治"十二五"规划》也设置了这样的目标:到"十二五"末,14个重点省份(包含广东、江苏、浙江等垃圾焚烧大省)的汞排放相比2007年降低15%,其他省份不超过2007年水平。考虑到目前焚烧行业汞污染的现实情况,新增焚烧厂及其汞排放将恶化全国重金属污染防治的总体形势。

环境容量的限制不仅出现在全国、乃至地区性的范围内,也适用于局部地方。环保组织调查发现,在垃圾焚烧厂的环评报告中,环评单位经常不按技术导则规定,将新增污染叠加于环境本底以预测环境变化,这种"疏忽"的客观结果就是严重淡化新污染源给周围环境带来的冲击。事实上,不论是高毒性的特征污染物,如二噁英、汞,还是常规污染物,如大气颗粒物、氮氧化物、一氧化碳、二氧化硫,许多被环评的地方都已无什么环境容量可言,任何新增污染,都将继续恶化当地的环境和公共健康安全。

参照发达国家的经验,焚烧厂污染问题的控制的确可以通过高资金和高技术的投入实现,不然这些地方的公众也不会轻易允许焚烧厂的建设运行。但这样的做法只是将污染问题进行了转化,其结果就是温室气体排放的增加,加剧气候变化。以二噁英问题为例,要最大限度地消除大气排放,一方面要实现垃圾的彻底燃烧以及急速降温,结果意味着焚烧厂不仅需要补充更多辅助燃料,还要牺牲产能的利用;另一方面,烟气越是净化,飞灰中的二噁英浓度越高,其二次处理仍要耗费大量能源。在日本,飞灰无害化处理的方向是高温熔融,进而制成稳定的玻璃体,这种过程实则是将焚烧厂的污染问题转化成了气候变化问题而已。

最终,无论是焚烧垃圾本身产生的温室气体排放,还是二次污染控制引发的温室气体排放,合起来都将使业已超常的大气温室气体水平继续攀高。而根据最近国内环保组织发布的政策建议,基于垃圾分类的非焚烧处理技术的气候变化影响可以小至焚烧发电的八分之一,在我们的前方的确有更好的低碳发展道路。 三、转型阶段的初步建议 尽管垃圾管理的未来并不属于垃圾焚烧,但垃圾围城、垃圾围村的现实困境是必须面对的,许多建成垃圾焚烧厂的运营也不能回避。摆在政府和公众眼前的真实课题是如何减轻现有焚烧厂的环境影响和健康伤害,以及如何达成共识切实向"零废弃"的理想一步步迈进。有如下几点建议供各方参考:

政府部门立即对全国所有垃圾焚烧厂开展全面、彻底"体检",尤其要查找出那些已经被曝光过的焚烧厂出现问题的原因,并督促整改。"体检"过程当然必须要透明、公开,这样既有利于提升焚烧厂运营水平,又有利于公众理性认知焚烧厂风险,并反求自身参与行动的可能性;

政府部门需研究建立行之有效的焚烧厂违法、违规的追责机制。短期内,公众对焚烧项目的反对,都源自于对焚烧厂风险的担忧。政府除了通过提高焚烧厂运营和污染控制水平外,向公众作出可以兑现的"意外保障",才能够切实降低公众积蓄已久的不信任感;

政府部门应取消对垃圾焚烧行业不合理的政策支持。如果从政府提供公共服务的角度考虑,应该学习欧盟,明确垃圾管理对策优先次序原则,并出台相应的具体措施促进垃圾源头减量、物品重复使用,以及可回收物和厨余有机物的循环利用。相关措施可优先考虑体现在垃圾管理的五年规划、循环经济促进法的落实、垃圾处理技术政策、地方法规等制度修订上。如果从政府管理行业的角度考虑,应该在坚守自身监管职责的基础上,将焚烧产业真正推向市场,去除补贴和激励政策,由市场决定其发展走向;

各地政府和公众,尤其是垃圾管理部门和特别关注垃圾问题的市民最好互相主动联络、沟通,一起研究、探讨本地中长期,例如510年时间内,垃圾填埋和焚烧处理的减量目标,以及按阶段、分步骤逐渐实施的具体行动方案、时间表和各方职责。只有直面危机、达成共识、共同行动,垃圾管理才能走出十年原地踏步的困境;

民间环保组织或公益组织肯定应该发挥倡导新方向、沟通社会各方意见、促进行动共识的作用。目前,除了继续坚持公众宣传教育、减量和分类试点探索等工作外,实在不可再躲避垃圾焚烧产生的种种环境和社会问题,只有更好地监督垃圾焚烧,促使其真实代价的完整显现,才能为更理想的垃圾管理体系赢得宽广的未来。

来源:改革内参    作者:毛达

扬州一鱼塘现大量畸形鱼 距化工厂仅几十米

2015-10-13 03:08:53 来源: 现代快报

 

最近,扬州高邮市养殖户耿冠宝遇到了蹊跷事,鱼塘里打上来的鱼,多半都有些畸形。而距离鱼塘几十米远有一家化工厂,不久前发生过有毒气体泄漏事故。耿冠宝怀疑这家化工厂就是酿成畸形鱼的罪魁祸首。目前,高邮市环保局及当地水产部门已介入调查,环保部门初步推测,畸形鱼可能受到某种物质的污染。昨天,高邮环保局已至现场取样,具体的情况还有待进一步检测结果。

 

蹊跷

 

他养的鱼不是尾巴秃,就是鱼骨弯了

 

据了解,事发鱼塘位于高邮市卸甲镇境内,总面积约70亩,承包者是耿冠宝的父亲。"我们家是前年秋天承包的鱼塘,当时也没发现有什么异常。"耿冠宝介绍,早在2013年秋天,他们一家将鱼塘承包下来,并投放鱼苗进行养殖。去年秋天及今年初,曾先后捕捞过两次,其间发现有个别鱼出现鱼鳃萎缩的情况,但他们以为是正常情况,并未当回事。

 

耿冠宝介绍,今年9月初,鱼塘内出现大批死鱼,他和父亲将死鱼打捞上来查看发现,这些鱼长得奇形怪状,"不是尾巴秃,就是鱼骨弯了,甚至有些鱼眼睛、腮等部位肿得不像样",而这样的情况,此前从未遇到过。

 

耿冠宝向现代快报记者提供的照片证实了上述说法,照片中的畸形鱼数量较大,且情况严重,部分鱼连鱼尾和鱼鳍都没有了。耿冠宝说,自事发至今,死鱼的数量也不断增加,"父亲这两天常做的工作就是从塘内捞死鱼"。

 

探因

 

鱼塘附近有家化工厂,曾发生泄漏事故

 

养殖的鱼大量畸形,且不断死亡,耿冠宝开始寻找原因。据了解,鱼塘不远处就是高邮光明化工厂,两者间仅隔了一条沟,距离不足百米。就在事发前不久,光明化工厂还发生过气体泄漏事故,这家化工厂成了耿冠宝怀疑对象。

 

"30日的时候,当时发生爆炸,有气体泄漏,我们都闻到刺鼻的气味了。"耿冠宝回忆,气体泄漏发生在830日,当天化工厂四周弥漫着一股刺鼻的气味,大量酸雾从管道中外泄。此后不久,鱼塘边的大豆等作物就开始发黄、枯萎,紧接着鱼塘也开始出现死鱼。

 

对此,高邮光明化工厂一叶姓负责人在接受媒体采访时承认气体泄漏一事,但该负责人表示,气体泄漏发生后被及时控制,否认是此次泄漏造成了鱼体畸形。

 

据耿冠宝介绍,畸形鱼、死鱼情况发生后,他们曾找到高邮光明化工厂讨说法,当地村委会也介入调解。"化工厂起先说要承担损失,把我们的死鱼都拉到厂里过磅了,但后来又不肯赔,说跟他们没关系。"耿冠宝称。

 

"我们家还有一个鱼塘,也在这附近,但距离化工厂比较远,至少200米以外。那个塘子就没有发现畸形鱼,两个塘子用的是同一批苗种,不可能是鱼苗的问题。"耿冠宝表示。

 

进展

 

环保、水产等部门介入调查

 

"我们去看过,初步调查来看,应该是受到了某种物质的污染,不像是鱼病。"高邮水产站董姓负责人表示,从死鱼及畸形鱼情况来看,应该不是鱼病,初步推测为受污染所致。高邮环保局一工作人员也向现代快报记者表示,尽管造成鱼畸形、死亡的原因很多,但从现场情况来看,初步怀疑耿冠宝家的畸形鱼是受到重金属污染所致。1012日下午,高邮环保局已到现场对涉事鱼塘进行取样。

 

据高邮农委一吴姓工作人员介绍,事发后,农委渔政部门也派人到现场查看,"当时推测为污染导致的,但这个定性需要检测"。该工作人员称,目前,高邮环保部门也介入调查,并对水体取样检测。

 

畸形鱼究竟是何因所致,还要等待进一步调查。

 

这么多的畸形鱼

 

该怎么处理?

 

鱼塘里出现大量畸形鱼,对于养殖户来说,将是一大损失。但更令人担忧的是,如果这些畸形鱼流入市场,是否会造成更大的影响?"暂时是不可能让这些鱼流入市场的,他们家人也比较配合。"高邮农委一位工作人员表示,鱼塘中养殖的鱼出现严重畸形,可能存在影响人类健康的元素。也正因此,该人员表示,在具体原因探明之前,将禁止这些鱼流入市场。另外,耿冠宝也向记者明确称,在事实没清楚之前,不会将这些鱼出售。

Monday, October 12, 2015

Worried about the health effects of China’s out-of-control pollution, citizens are starting to take action.

October 09, 2015 By Jennifer Duggan

 

Jennifer Duggan is an Irish journalist until very recently based in Shanghai. Her reporting has appeared in The Guardian, The Scotsman, Al-Jazeera, and Irish Independent.

 

Sometimes in the middle of the night, a pungent odor permeates the suburb of Asuwei, outside Beijing. A chemical tang mixed with the rotten smell of garbage, it can be so strong that it awakens Hu Jun from her slumber. She says that when the wind blows in a certain direction, she knows the smell is coming and closes the windows before going to bed. But it still gets in. "I can smell it when I'm asleep. It comes through the cracks. It can permeate the room and wakes me up," says Hu, a university professor in her late 50s. (Her name has been changed, as speaking negatively about the government in China can result in harassment, persecution, or imprisonment.)

 

 

Asuwei is past the end of Beijing's sprawling subway line, where the city meets the countryside, close to a river and a hot spring resort. The stench comes from an overflowing nearby landfill; opened in 1996, it has grown with the Chinese capital's population and wealth to exceed capacity. Hu knew about the landfill when she left the city center a decade ago but believed the upmarket development of neat houses with tidy lawns where she was making her new home would be a quiet, idyllic place to live. But soon residents were complaining about the garbage smell, and five years ago, the local government installed giant chemical-spraying guns, a kind of enormous version of a Febreze air freshener. But instead of solving the problem, the putative deodorizers created another. Hu says that now she can almost taste the chemicals in the air. "It is not merely a bad smell; it is a smell that is a mix of the chemicals and the garbage."

 

Beijing now produces almost 15 billion pounds of municipal household waste each year; the landfill at Asuwei receives 7.2 million pounds. In an effort to deal with the growing amount of trash generated by China's expanding middle class and increasingly consumerist society, Beijing and other cities are building huge incinerators—including one close to the landfill in Asuwei. Hu is worried; once fully operational, the new incinerator will reportedly burn 6 million pounds of garbage a day. Environmental authorities have said the project passed the required assessments, but Hu and other residents are mistrustful, fearing the emissions that will come from the plant. "The environment cannot tolerate it, and our health would be at risk," she says. She maintains that everyone in the area is against the incinerator, though only a few—including Hu—are taking action, organizing and participating in public protests. She spends a lot of time reading and analyzing reports and environmental assessments, trying to find a way to stop the incinerator from opening.

 

China's leaders appear fearful that the many, small localized bands of discontented citizens like Hu will coalesce into a larger movement; it now spends more money on internal security, which includes managing and suppressing these protests, than it does on its military. The unification of what are now disconnected grassroots actions against specific pollution sources into a national environmental movement is perceived as a threat to the rule of the Communist Party. The Internet, used by activists and protesters as a tool for sharing information, is often quickly scrubbed of evidence of any protest actions or criticism of the government. Earlier this year, a documentary film on China's environmental ills received hundreds of millions of hits in just one week before being taken down by government censors, presumably out of fear that it could become China's Silent Spring moment, sparking a nationwide outcry. At the same time, citizens are fearful too—of the rash of toxins that threaten their lives, and of the government that has shown it is willing to punish those who dare complain about the threat. Nevertheless, complaining they are, in increasing numbers and with increasing boldness—and impact.

 

Over a traditional lunch of shared dishes, Hu explains her motivation. "Our main disagreement is that the government believes the pollution can be under control, but we don't," she says, getting animated and waving her chopsticks. "The government said they could control the pollution in the landfill, but the stinky air is constantly there. I'm told the landfills in the U.S. don't have any smell at all. Golf courses, parks, and cafés are right around them. But our government doesn't have good management ability. It's actually a public trust issue."

 

A gallery of environmental pollution in China.

 

 

1 / 10

 

Smog over Shanghai. Despite Beijing's reputation for poor air quality, the city is not in the top 10 of China's most polluted cities. (Photo: Flickr)

Such fears seemed to be confirmed on the night of Aug. 12, when a series of explosions at a chemical warehouse rocked the port city of Tianjin, 75 miles from Beijing. Cell-phone video broadcast around the world recorded a fiery red ball exploding from a building, a flash, and then a massive bang as a second, even bigger fireball engulfed the sky. More than 150 people were killed.

 

Criticism and anger have since been expressed across China, with users on Weibo, a Chinese social media platform similar to Twitter, questioning how hazardous chemicals could be stored so close to residential areas in violation of national safety standards; facilities with hazardous chemicals are forbidden from operating less than one kilometer from residential and public buildings, though it's not clear whether the warehouse owner will face fines or criminal penalties. Residents whose homes were destroyed in the blast also took part in protests, demanding compensation. The warehouse that exploded was found to have been holding 40 types of chemicals, which according to state media included 700 tons of sodium cyanide, 800 tons of ammonium nitrate (the fertilizer used in the Oklahoma City terrorist bombing of 1995), and 500 tons of potassium nitrate. Residents fear pollution in the area since the explosion, and reports surfaced of chemical rain falling afterward and thousands of dead fish washing up nearby.

 

The outrage expressed around the Tianjin disaster reflects significant and growing concern about the state of the environment and pollution caused by the country's coal-fired power plants and industrial operations. According to a Pew Research Center poll published in September, air pollution and water pollution are Nos. 2 and 3 on the list of Chinese citizens' top concerns. (No. 1—corruption—is itself linked to pollution, as those in a position to do something about it have connections to industry, and if air and water pollution are counted together they dwarf corruption as the chief concern). Air pollution is a visible and highly publicized problem, and the burgeoning middle classes, well educated and with newfound leisure time, are becoming increasingly upset and outspoken about toxic water and soil. Last year, almost 90 percent of China's biggest cities failed to meet air-quality standards, according to the Ministry of Environmental Protection (even as emissions of sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxide fell slightly, the ministry reported in September). Despite gaining worldwide attention for its "airpocalypses," when pollution levels have reached 755 on a scale of 500, Beijing isn't even in the top 10 of China's most polluted cities. While emissions from coal-fired power stations cause choking air above, polluting factories leak chemical-laden wastewater, poisoning rivers and farms. Only recently did the full scale of China's environmental degradation come to light: After years of keeping the results of a soil pollution survey a state secret, the Ministry of Environmental Protection in 2014 admitted that almost 20 percent of the country's farmland is polluted, mostly with toxic heavy metals from heavy industry and petrochemicals from intensive agriculture. Nearly 60 percent of groundwater is polluted. A study published in the scientific journal PLOS One in August estimated that air pollution contributes to the deaths of as many as 1.6 million people in China each year.

 

Pollution is something that affects everyone. It can easily gather the whole village, town, or city onto the streets.

- Lu Yuyu, an activist who documents political protests in China

People are now making their voices heard in the form of protests, mostly against site-specific issues such as incinerators or chemical plants. Hu has written to authorities expressing concern about the Asuwei incinerator and in September 2009 took part with around 100 of her neighbors in a protest against it. Hu is smartly dressed, with jewelry and fashionable dark-rimmed glasses. She was at the vanguard of a new class of protesters—well-informed citizens concerned for their health and their families' future. When construction plans were delayed soon after they first protested, some thought their actions may have had an effect, but blueprints for the incinerator were later revived—it would now be double the size originally planned. Residents say they weren't consulted; the first they heard about it was when an environment assessment paper was published. "We started to fight against it again," says Hu. Construction has begun anyway.

 

Maya Wang, a researcher on China at Human Rights Watch, says that although these protests focus on local issues, they are connected to the bigger environmental problems facing the nation. "Chinese people in general are more concerned about pollution. In big cities in particular there have been large scale protests, often because the environmental pollution in China has increased quite dramatically," she says.

 

RELATED: U.S. Smog: Made in Chinese Factories, Funded by American Consumers

 

Protests have been growing in number and size over the past decade. According to Yang Zhaofei, vice-chair of the Chinese Society for Environmental Sciences, a Beijing-based NGO, the number of environmental protests has increased by an average of 29 percent every year since 1996; in 2011 the number of major demonstrations rose 120 percent.

 

Lu Yuyu runs a website that tracks protests in China using search engines and information gathered from social media and also sees the number of environmental protests rising drastically. Lu tracks all types of demonstrations, but, he says, "protests about environment and pollution are increasing not only in number but also in scale. Environmental protests are seen across the country in every province, in both cities and the remote countryside."

 

The government appears worried. The first year China spent more on internal security than on military defense was 2011; the gap widened over the next two years, and in 2014 Beijing stopped reporting the numbers separately. Official figures put the number of "mass incidents"—protests over corruption, abuse of power, pollution, and other issues—as having risen more than tenfold between 1993 and 2010. Beijing has also since stopped reporting those figures.

 

Lu says one thing he's noticed over years of tracking public protests and demonstrations is that environmental protests "are usually by far the largest." They're also the ones that see the most violent crackdowns. "Pollution is something that affects everyone," he says. "It can easily gather the whole village, town, or city onto the streets."

 

 

Demonstrators hold banners with slogans on June 23, 2015, to protest against a chemical plant rumored to be built in the Shanghai suburb of Jinshan. Proposals for facilities where paraxylene, used to make plastics and polyester, is to be made have sparked large protests in several other Chinese cities in recent years, as they are often perceived as a poorly regulated health risk. (Photo: Getty Images)

Hu is cautious when discussing the protest she took part in, outside the Agricultural Exhibition Center in the center of Beijing, where she and her fellow demonstrators unfurled banners calling for the incinerator project to be scrapped. Such acts are controversial in society and therefore a sensitive topic for Chinese. She says local authorities and the Beijing government opposed the action—a polite way of saying there was retribution. According to media reports at the time, the protest was deemed illegal and broken up by police; five protesters were arrested and detained.

 

Incinerators are a particular flash point of public opposition. So are chemical plants, particularly those producing paraxylene (PX), which is used in the manufacturing of plastic and polyester. People living nearby worry about cancer, asthma, and local water and soil quality—doubtful, as Hu is, that the facilities will be run properly and that potentially toxic emissions will be kept within safe limits.

 

In June, a series of large-scale protests took place in Jinshan, a suburb of Shanghai, just on the rumor that a PX plant was to open in the vicinity. The local government issued assurances that there would be no such plant, but according to Chen Liwen, an environmental activist, few people believe such statements. "The local government tell the people there are plans for a park or a temple and after they get the land they change the land use," she says.

 

Thousands took to the streets. Protests continued for more than a week; many came out several days in a row. Local and national media, controlled by the state, are thought to have been ordered not to report on the protests, as few news stories about them surfaced in China—only the local government's official statements—and a camera operator for an international news outlet was blocked by police from filming. However, photos and video circulated widely on social media before they were deleted, presumably by censors. Photos showed protesters filling four lanes of a highway. Some wore symbolic face masks; others carried banners reading, "Give us back our Jinshan," "No to PX," and "Protect the environment." Around 40,000 people took part, according to one report. A small number of protesters managed to get to the municipal government offices in the center of Shanghai but were hauled away after scuffles with police.

 

 

Environmental activist Chen Liwen. (Photo: Nathan Gates)

One protester, who did not want to be named, said by WeChat, a messaging app popular in China, that a number of chemical plants are already in Jinshan, and many feel the emissions are a problem. She said locals are worried about their health, as a lot of people in the area suffer from cancer. "Our main request in this protest is asking the government to stop building new chemical factories; do not expand the chemical area in Jinshan," she said. "The chemical factories are swallowing our living space and emit poisonous air." One statistic widely circulated in China puts the rise in lung cancer deaths over the past 30 years at 465 percent. "People are concerned about their health, particularly from heavy metals and dioxins from emissions," says Chen.

 

Hu says she has suffered respiratory illnesses a few times a year ever since the chemical sprays began. "It starts with a cough, then fever," she says, touching her throat. "One time I was in the hospital for several days. The doctors asked me if I do some kind of job that exposes me to dust." Hu can't prove her illnesses are linked to the landfill and the deodorizing chemicals but says many others in the area have also fallen ill. "The landfill has had a great impact on nearby residents' health," she says. "Most of the diseases are related to air or water pollution. With the incinerator there will be two pollution sources."

 

The Shocking Number of People Dying Daily From China's Air Pollution

 

For many years, the focus for China's citizens has been to increase wages and living standards. Hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty, but the country's industrialization has taken a tremendous toll on the environment. Ironically, the huge increase in disposable income has expanded health consciousness and spurred a growing awareness of those ecological ills. In big cities like Beijing and Shanghai, sales of air purifiers and face masks are booming, as are sales of organic and imported food and bottled water as people try to ensure safe food and water and clean air for their families.

 

These worries were both confirmed and animated earlier this year when the documentary film Under the Dome, researched and presented by a popular former television news anchor, Chai Jing, went viral and gave encouragement to environmentalists and momentum to their cause. Chai, who lives in Beijing, took a stark look at air pollution's sources and effects. She tells the story of how her daughter was born with a benign tumor. While she doesn't link her daughter's condition with air pollution, she says the experience made her aware and "afraid" of pollution, reflecting the fears of parents in cities throughout the country. In one scene, Chai asks a young girl in Shaanxi province, China's coal heartland, if she has ever seen stars. "No," the girl replies. Chai asks if she has seen blue sky. "Slightly blue sky" is the answer. Chai asks if the girl has ever seen white clouds; the girl says, "No."

 

Watch the banned documentary Under the Dome.

 

 

The minister of environmental protection, Chen Jining, initially praised the documentary, and within days it had been viewed and shared online hundreds of millions of times, blowing up on social media and messaging apps like WeChat. Ma Jun, China's best-known environmentalist, described the documentary as "one of the most important pieces of public awareness of all time by the Chinese media." But Under the Dome proved to be a little too popular, and just over a week after its release it was removed from Chinese websites.

 

Protests like the ones in Jinshan are almost always focused on a particular plant or project. Though significant because the concerns are real and direct—a persistent cough, a daughter's asthma, a river that no longer produces fish—they are essentially NIMBYish in nature. There is no organized network attempting to address environmental policy at a national level. Protesters to this point, says Daniel K. Gardner, professor of history at Smith College, "are not saying, 'Down with the government.' They are saying there has been no environmental assessment or consultation with the public, and the government promised that. And they want the government to do something about it."

 

The Chinese government is well aware that the environment can be part of a broader social movement for change.

- Elizabeth Economy, Council on Foreign Relations

Under the Dome may have changed that. Gardner, who is writing a book on environmental pollution in China, says that while the government admits that pollution is a real problem—state media reported in August that legislators concerned about water pollution "grilled" members of the cabinet, who promised to address it—the popularity of Chai's film made officials nervous. "Now there was the possibility of some sort of organized movement," he says. "Chai Jing galvanized what is already an awareness, and that is what the government is afraid of, this galvanization of the public."

 

China's environmental ills are now high on Beijing's agenda, with Premier Li Keqiang, in March, going as far as to say the government was "declaring war on pollution." He further declared the government was "determined" to tackle smog and environmental pollution, admitting that the progress made so far "falls far short of the expectation of the people."

 

The government knows that a widespread environmental movement could lead to the development of an organized civil society and sees this as a threat to the power of the Communist Party. "If you look at some of the former republics of the Soviet Union or countries in Eastern Europe before the fall of the Berlin Wall, or other countries in Asia," says Elizabeth Economy, director for Asia studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, "you find that in a number of cases, an environmental issue was the trigger or a contributing factor to the social discontent in large-scale protests and the eventual overthrow of the government. The Chinese government is well aware that the environment can be part of a broader social movement for change."

 

Protests are kept local both by officials' sometimes giving in to the demands of protesters or portraying them as motivated purely by self-interest. "Some of these protests have been quite successful, but none has coalesced into pressure on the government to engage [or] to change the abuse of power and corruption that lead to these environmental problems," says Wang of Human Rights Watch. "The government have been good at ensuring that these do not spread beyond the local areas that they occur in, [even though] these issues are remarkably similar across the country."

 

sign up for the takepart features email

 

Add context and dimension to the issues you care about with personal stories and gripping long form narratives reported from the inside of where news is happening.

 

Your Email

submit

By submitting the form above, you agree to TakePart's Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. You can unsubscribe at any time. Contact us here.

While some environmental protests appear to be tolerated and at times can be successful in their aims at getting plans for a plant delayed or cancelled, in general protests are not welcomed and can be put down by the authorities. To keep a protest from spreading, local authorities try to stop the flow of information. Chinese media are squelched, and censors delete information shared on social media. While a public action is taking place, mobile communications can be cut (there were reports of this happening during the protests in Jinshan).

 

During the reporting of this article, I tried, using WeChat and Weibo to make contact with a number of protesters who had been involved with the demonstrations in Jinshan. Most were reluctant to talk, especially on WeChat, perhaps because of reports that the app is monitored. Months afterward, it was still difficult to talk to anyone who took part. One woman who had posted a lot of information and photos on social media during the protests had seemed eager to talk. We exchanged messages over a number of weeks, and she invited me to Jinshan to show me the chemical plants.

 

A few days before we were to meet, though, she stopped replying to messages. Another protester, who had agreed to talk by telephone, also stopped responding. While I can't know for sure why these individuals shut down our correspondence, it seems likely—as other sources have expressed similar concerns to me and other journalists here—that they were worried about the consequences of talking to a foreign journalist about protests against the government. Wang of Human Rights Watch says it is likely there have been some repercussions for those involved in the Jinshan protests, especially as civil society and activism across all areas—from labor to freedom of speech to ethnic autonomy to religious rights—have seen crackdowns in the last couple of years. "It's quite common to expect that the authorities take measures that have to do with intimidation and harassment of people who were involved in [the Jinshan protests]," Wang tells me when I ask her why she thinks these sources might have gone silent. "From NGOs to activists to the participants of these protests, the amount of pressure has generally increased."

 

 

Chen Liwen echoes this sentiment, saying it has become riskier for people to take part in protests in recent years. "It is more and more dangerous than before. Because the control in China is very strict, after the protest the police will find out the organizer and they will detain them," she says.

 

As if to prove Chen's point, the night before I was to meet with an environmental activist, the source received a phone call warning her not to meet with me. The caller knew the time and place of our meeting, which had been arranged over email. We made alternate plans, but the day after we met she received a visit from two men believed to be public security officers, wanting to know what we had discussed. A military parade—for which the government slowed or ceased operation of more than 12,000 power plants, factories, and cement plants in the region to ensure blue skies—commemorating the end of World War II was to take place the following week, and activists frequently come under increased pressure and surveillance before such official spectacles.

 

Despite potential consequences, Hu has not ruled out organizing or protesting against the incinerator in Asuwei now that it isunder construction. She sighs heavily at the suggestion, indicating it is not something she wants. "It's still a long way to go," she says. In the meantime she is trying to fight by legal and administrative means. She and her neighbors have consulted experts and activists on strategy. "It's very tough," she says. "I need to read a lot of paperwork. It's a learning process." Nevertheless, she's not giving up. "This is for the common good. So I'm not afraid of anything."

 

广东上千村民因抗议垃圾焚烧厂污染环境,与警方激烈冲突

据海外的博讯网报道,109日、10日连续两天,广东省阳春市春湾镇自由管理区村民为抗议海螺水泥厂私自在村内建垃圾焚烧场发电,堵路禁垃圾车通过。愤怒民众与海螺公司请来的大批保安发生冲突,当地公安躲在水泥厂里没敢出来。期间有警车被掀翻、被烧毁。双方都有人受伤,有多名村民被抓,有村民形容这是一场现代小型的农民起义。当地出动大批特警,村民才撤离。当地人呼吁社会、媒体关注,不然发生新的冲突将可能出很多人命。

本台记者接通了春湾镇自由管理区村民王女士的电话,向她查证这一消息:

记者:这两天你们村的村民因为抗议垃圾焚烧厂和警察发生冲突,有这件事吗?

王女士:有,具体情况我不清楚。但是我坚决反对垃圾焚烧厂的建设,而且,建厂计划事先没有征求村民意见。

目击村民"修炼阶段中"发帖说:今天1000多人聚集阳春海螺门前,反对阳春海螺建设焚烧场!

现场图片以及视频显示,大量手持红旗、棍棒的村民与大量警察在水泥厂门口发生激烈冲突,期间警察向村民施放了大量催泪弹,现场浓烟滚滚,一片狼籍。现场有多辆警车、货车等被烧毁或正在燃烧,一些村民、警察倒在地上。

据村民透露,冲突中至少有10名村民遭到抓捕,并有多人受伤。

江苏无锡的环保人士吴立红说,垃圾焚烧厂的建设在中国各地都引起了抗议:

"村民的担心是有原因的,因为垃圾焚烧过程中产生的二恶英气体有毒,是致癌物质,焚烧垃圾不仅污染空气,也可能导致其他污染。"

吴立红说,他所在地附近的常州的一个村庄十几年前建了一个垃圾填埋厂,结果给当地村民带来灾难性后果:

"当地的水土遭到严重污染,河里鱼虾死亡,连村里的树木也是枯黄,更不用说庄稼了,村里民众多年上访,没有任何结果。"

吴立红说,垃圾焚烧有污染,填埋也有污染,现在中国垃圾围城,应该有一个新的思路,是否应该从垃圾的源头想办法,比如通过回收来减少垃圾数量:

"日本等国家在回收垃圾方面有经验,中国现在垃圾不分类回收,金属垃圾和餐厨垃圾混杂在一起焚烧,其实金属垃圾可以回收,餐厨垃圾也可以沤肥,再次利用。"

报道说,目击村民"怪叔叔窝窝头"发帖说:阳春市春湾镇自由海螺水泥厂门口,官兵来镇压村民,发生冲突,官兵向村民投放催泪弹。来了挺多警察的,还拦住路口,不让记者来釆访,记者不敢来,打伤了几个群众,抓了十个群众。

冲突一直持续至当天下午,再有大批警察到达事发现场镇压村民。

Wednesday, October 7, 2015

环境维权-中阳县人民检察院寻衅滋事罪刑事判决书

公诉机关中阳县人民检察院。

被告人任某,农民。2015213日因涉嫌寻衅滋事罪被中阳县公安局刑事拘留,同年319日被逮捕。现羁押于中阳县看守所。

中阳县人民检察院以中检公诉刑诉(201529号起诉书指控被告人任某犯寻衅滋事罪向本院提起公诉。本院受理后,依法组成合议庭,公开开庭审理了本案。中阳县人民检察院指派检察员何斐出庭支持公诉,被告人任某到庭参加诉讼。现已审理终结。

 

公诉机关指控,2014年至20152月,被告人任某多次在吕梁市委、中阳县委多次非正常上访,无故辱骂拦截他人,并在被劝阻时持木棍殴打执勤民警及保安人员。2014年夏季的一天,被告人任某在中阳县县委主楼,阻拦县委副书记阴大瑞进楼上班,值班保安张某、卫世文上前劝阻,被告人任某持随身携带的木棍殴打张、卫二人。201512016时许,被告人任某欲强行闯入吕梁市信访局会场,值班民警韩某劝阻,任即持随身携带的木棍殴打韩某。2015251530分许,被告人任某在中阳县委主楼阻拦县委书记郭保平出行,值班保安张某、谢小旭分别上前制止时,任持随身携带的木棍先后对张、谢二人殴打。2015212日上午8时许,被告人任某在吕梁市委大院谩骂领导,并欲阻拦纪委书记雷建国出行,值班民警白某乙上前劝阻,任即用随身携带的木棍对白进行殴打,致白某乙鼻骨骨折。

 

为证实上述事实,公诉机关提供有报案材料、被告人任某的供述、证人证言、诊断证明、视频资料、到案经过、户籍证明等证据。公诉机关认为,被告人任某的行为构成寻衅滋事罪,提请本院依法判处。

 

被告人任某辩称其并没持木棍殴打人,对其余指控的基本犯罪事实予以供认。

 

经审理查明,2014年至20152月,被告人任某多次在吕梁市委、中阳县委多次非正常上访,无故辱骂拦截他人,并在被劝阻时持木棍殴打执勤民警及保安人员。2014年夏季的一天,被告人任某在中阳县县委主楼,阻拦县委副书记阴大瑞进楼上班,值班保安张某、卫世文上前劝阻,被告人任某持随身携带的木棍殴打张、卫二人。201512016时许,被告人任某欲强行闯入吕梁市信访局会场,值班民警韩某劝阻,任即持随身携带的木棍殴打韩某。20152515时许30分许,被告人任某在中阳县委主楼阻拦县委书记郭保平出行,值班保安张某、谢小旭分别上前制止时,任持随身携带的木棍先后对张、谢二人殴打。2015212日上午8时许,被告人任某在吕梁市委大院谩骂领导,并阻拦纪委书记雷建国出行,值班民警白某乙上前劝阻,任即用随身携带的木棍对白进行殴打,致白某乙鼻骨骨折。

 

证实上述事实的证据有:

 

受案登记表及离石区公安局驻市委大院信访依法处置工作室报案材料及给中阳县信访局、公安局出具的材料,证实任某在近两三年多次到市委大院常委楼前非访,去了就骂天骂地,大叫大喊、辱骂市委领导。20151月份的一个下午,任某在吕梁市信访接待中心上访,辱骂接访人员,离石区公安局信访接待中心的公安执勤民警制止时,将执勤民警韩永胜打了两棍;2015212日早834分左右,任某再次来到常委楼前闹事,口吐脏言,辱骂市委领导,离石区公安局执勤民警前去制止时,任用随身携带的木棍将执勤民警白某乙头部、鼻梁打伤,

 

证人王某的证言,证实2015212日早834分左右,任某来到常委楼前,大喊大叫,大骂市委领导,这时纪委雷建国书记刚走出大门准备上车走时,任某准备拦阻,白某乙前去制止,任某用手持的木棍在白某乙面部打了两棍,当即白某乙被打的鼻子流了血,两眼流泪,并证实近两三年来,任经常到市常委楼前大喊大叫,少时一天两次,多时一天五六次。

 

被害人白某乙的情况说明及陈述,证实其是离石区公安局驻市委大院特勤,2015212日早834分左右,任某来到市委大院内,大喊大叫,辱骂市委领导,其上前劝说,任某不听,反而大骂执勤人员。此时,市纪委书记雷建国要乘车离去,任某上前阻拦,其欲拉任时,任用手中的木棍朝其头部打来,打了两下,第一下打在头顶部,第二下打在鼻梁上,还用木棍在自己肩部捅了一下,其他工作人员将任拉到值班室控制,自己的鼻子流血,头晕目眩,诊断为鼻骨骨折。

 

证人马某、贺某、赵某的证言,证实2015212日早830分左右,任某在市委大院大喊大骂,无理拦截欲乘车出行的市纪委书记的车辆,白某乙赶到现场劝阻,老头用手中的拐杖殴打白某乙,致白某乙鼻子流血。

 

证人付某的证言,证实其负责吕梁市政府的上访人员处置工作,2015212日早830分左右,任某拄着一根棍子又叫又骂从信访大厅旁的小门进入市政府大院,直接到了市委常委办公楼前不停的叫骂,当时雷建国正下楼乘车出门,任某叫骂着挥舞着棍子要拦车,白某乙赶到现场劝阻,其赶到现场后,看见任某在地上躺着不停地叫骂,白某乙鼻子一直流血。

 

证人赵某的证言,证实2015212日早8时左右,其在市委楼前站岗,一个手拄木棍的老年人来到门口不停的大声叫骂,这时正好纪检书记下楼乘车准备出门,老年人挥舞着棍子要拦阻,白某乙把老年人从后面抱住,那个老年人用手中的木棍在白某乙右腿部打了一下后又用手中的木棍往身后的白某乙头部捅,捅了两下后看见白某乙鼻子流血。并证实经常看到这个老年人到市委上访,每次都大吵大闹。

 

证人韩某、薛某、白某甲的证言,证实其三人均是离石区公安局驻市委信访办公室协警,2015120日下午4时许,其三人在门口值班,任某拿一根镢把站在大厅里大喊大叫,往外拉任某,任不肯出去,拿着镢把在其小腿部打了三四下,两个同事过来把他的镢把夺下,强行拉到外面。并证实任经常到市委大院,到处跑,大喊大骂,喊上一顿就走了。

 

证人朱某的证言,证实其是中阳县委主办公楼门卫,2014124830分左右,任某拄着拐杖来到县委主办公楼,说要找领导硬往里闯,其和张雄将任某拦住让他站到门外边,一出门,任某就把手里的一个袋子和拐杖放到地上,解开裤子在办公楼前撒尿,之后拿着棍子和拐杖离开。201525日下午1530分许,任某在县委楼下拦县委书记的车,保安张某上前把任某拦住,任某拿手里的木棍就打了张某腿一下,后保安队长解某将任某拦住。

 

证人张某的证言,证实201525日下午330分左右,任某在县委楼前,大声叫骂县委领导,后来见郭书记要坐车离开,就上前阻拦,其看见后劝阻,任某不但不停,拿手中的木棍打在其腿上,解某上前拉他,他又在解某的腿上打了三四下,木棍也被打断。2014年夏天,任某在县委楼前门口大骂,要拦住阴书记不让上楼,后来其和卫某将任拉到信访大厅,任用手里的木棍打其和卫某。

 

证人解某的证言,证实201525日下午3时左右,县委书记要乘车离去,车刚要走时,任某手拿木棍就朝书记车上冲,张某上前制止,任某手拿木棍在张的腿上就打,其赶紧跑过去,劝说任,任不听,拿起手里的木棍朝其左腿上打,第二下就把木棍打断。2014年夏天的一天中午,任某拦住阴大瑞不让上楼,卫某和张某扶到信访局门口,二人回来告其任某用木棍打了他两下。

 

证人卫某的证言,证实其于20142月至12月在中阳县委做保安,2014年夏天的一天,任某拦住阴大瑞书记,阴说有事到信访局,任不肯,其和张某劝说任,任不听,后二人将任抬到信访大厅,后其二人要离开时,任用手中的木棍打了张某几下。

 

被告人任某的供述,证实2015212日,其在市委门口大声叫骂,执勤人员强行拉其并夺其手中的木棍,自己失手打了拉其的人的面部一棍;201525日,其在中阳县委主楼前,堵住出门的郭保平书记,保安拉其时,其用手中的木棍打了保安两下,木棍打断;2014年夏天,中阳县委保安把其从县委大楼抬到信访局时,其用手里拄的棍子打过两个保安;2014124日上午在在中阳县委主楼门口撒过尿。

 

中阳县信访局的情况说明,证实任某曾上访反映原建滔企业占地及环境污染等问题,该信访请求经镇、县、市三级调查处理终结,当事人已经不再反映此问题。现在无具体上访请求。近年来,任某频繁到县委缠访县领导,经常在县委楼前滞留谩骂、串游,频繁逗留信访局,严重影响了机关的工作秩序。

 

中阳县金罗镇政府关于任某无理取闹的情况说明,证实任某倚老卖老,经常跑在镇政府随意辱骂乡镇书记及镇长、机关工作人员,并且有时会拿拐杖随意打人,20152月年关将近,任某更加频繁到到镇政府谩骂工作人员,镇领导劝阻无效,12日又到市委楼前殴打协警,造成了恶劣的影响。并证实其上访诉求属无理取闹。

 

吕梁市人民医院诊断证明及X线检查报告,证实受害人白某乙被诊断为鼻挫伤,右侧上颌窦囊肿,外伤后头晕。

 

中阳县公安局金罗派出所到案经过说明,证实该所接到报案后,在现场将任某口头传唤到金罗派出所接受讯问。

 

前科劣迹调查表,证实20111012日,任某因涉嫌寻衅滋事罪被中阳县公安局刑事拘留。

 

户籍证明,证实被告人任某已达刑事责任年龄。

 

上述证据,均经庭审举证、质证,能够相互印证所查明的事实,本院予以确认。

 

本院认为,被告人任某为逞强耍横、发泄情绪,无事生非,多次在党政机关辱骂国家机关工作人员,随意殴打他人,情节恶劣,其行为已构成寻衅滋事罪。公诉机关指控被告人的犯罪事实清楚,罪名成立,本院予以支持。依据《中华人民共和国刑法》第二百九十三条  之规定,判决如下:

 

被告人任某犯寻衅滋事罪,判处有期徒刑一年。

 

(刑期从判决执行之日起计算,判决执行以前先行羁押的,羁押一日折抵刑期一日,即自2015213日起至2016212日止。)

 

如不服本判决,可在接到判决书的第二日起十日内通过本院或者向吕梁市中级人民法院提出上诉。书面上诉的,应提交上诉状正本一份,副本两份。

 

审判长王志立

审判员侯军丽

人民陪审员张志刚

二〇一五年六月二日

书记员吴卫东

 

Web Site Hit Counters
IBM ThinkPad